The message from the Commonwealth targeting Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf could not have been more pronounced. Ahead of the summit of the commonwealth heads of government (CHOGM) in Uganda, the 53-member body suspended the south Asian country, punishing it for the imposition of a nationwide state of emergency this month.
Back in Pakistan on Friday, the foreign ministry came out with a largely expected response. In a statement, it regretted the suspension citing the progress under way in Pakistan towards a more democratic environment but also chastised external players for interfering in the internal affairs of the country.
For the moment, the action by the Commonwealth will not materially damage Pakistan. Unlike the billions of dollars that have flowed from the US in recent years, the Commonwealth's activities in Pakistan are of far more modest proportions.
But the damage to Pakistan's interests cannot be judged in dollar terms alone. The message from the Commonwealth comes amid a mounting spate of international criticism over the emergency.
Musharraf has garnered legitimacy for his rule through a series of court judgments in cases challenging his decision to contest the presidential elections last month while also remaining in his position as the chief of the army staff. Other favourable judgments may well follow.
But it is highly unlikely that Musharraf's opponents will stay quiet about his decision to remove Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, the independent-minded chief justice of the supreme court, within a few hours after imposing emergency rule, and replacing him with a new chief justice. Several other judges were also forced out.
Apart from the questionable move against the judiciary, Musharraf's government aggressively opened new fronts, cracking down on protesting lawyers, civil society activists and some politicians, such as Imran Khan. In the past week, Musharraf has unexpectedly widened his exposure to a fourth front.
Target
Pakistan's privately owned TV channels, which were once the source of the president's pride for having allowed them unprecedented freedom, have become the target of a government-backed ban. To make matters worse, protesting journalists have been ruthlessly baton-charged in different cities, in a powerful reminder of the 1980s, when journalists were regularly targeted by the regime of the late General Zia ul Haq, the country's most ruthless military dictator.
Pakistan's journalists have shown an unprecedented unity, returning to fight their case on the streets by promising more protests.
With chaos brewing on the streets of Pakistan, it is far from certain if Musharraf will be able to control the damage done to his own credentials, let alone minimise the international fallout by way of adverse publicity for his regime. "Musharraf: Your show is over" is an apt slogan of protesting journalists, demonstrating against the government's decision to target TV channels and seek a ban on some of the more vocal talk show hosts, before transmissions are resumed.
Perhaps the optimistic scenario shared by many in the government is indeed that elections due on January 8, 2008 will somehow take the regime along, as politicians and civil society activists become involved in the electoral process. The fact of the matter, however, is that the crisis that has already engulfed Musharraf will not be resolved easily.
He has become the target of fast growing opposition even among those Pakistanis who once saw him as a symbol of hope and progressive change. The coup led by Musharraf in 1999 which replaced former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, at the time was seen as a popular intervention, necessary to replace an increasingly unpopular government.
Self-serving
The picture today is, of course, a far cry from the past, principally for two reasons. On the one hand, Musharraf's determination to stay in power at all costs has only served to cement his image as a self-serving leader. On the other, his choice of aligning himself with some of the most controversial and allegedly corrupt politicians in the pro-Musharraf Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q), has not won favours for the Pakistani ruler.
Indeed, he has lost his moral authority to rule, and lost moral authority is harder to earn back than the simple loss of public support.
Farhan Bokhari is a Pakistan-based commentator who writes on political and economic matters.
