A little over a year ago, immediately after the formation of the Hamas government - following its landslide victory in the Palestinian general elections - we wrote an article in which we basically predicted a fundamental change in the political speech and agenda of the Palestinian resistance movement. The core of the argument was that Hamas will, under domestic and external pressure, seek to survive as a ruling power by adapting itself to the requirements of governance. We also argued that Hamas has never missed an opportunity to prove to the rest of the world that it was and remains as rational and pragmatic as any other secular group.
Although taken by surprise by the outcome of the elections, Hamas was fully aware of the fact that if it wanted to established a solid political legitimacy at home and recognition abroad, it has somehow to move to the centre of Palestinian politics. It, hence, abandoned its original position, publicly at least, which is committed to the destruction of the state of Israel and the establishment of a Palestinian national state on all of historic Palestine. It has also accepted a long-term truce with Israel within its 1967 boundaries and has so far respected it.
Even before the elections, Hamas was preparing the grounds to take a more pragmatic position concerning the peace process. It did not, thus, rule out talking to Israel, but attached conditions to commencing such talks. Dr Mahmoud Zahar, the foreign minister in the first Hamas government, suggested that his movement might consider indirect talks with Israel under certain circumstances.
Indeed, it took Hamas a year marred with political disturbances, civil violence and a near civil war situation to develop its position further and respond to the challenges of governance in a complicated and inhospitable environment. Yet, the outcome was already being decided; a move towards more moderation and adaptation.
Last week, after months of hard labour, Hamas's leader and Prime Minister Esmail Haniya presented his government, largely a result of a Saudi-brokered deal, to the Palestinian Legislative Council, seeking a vote of confidence. He made clear that his major objective for the next few months would be lifting the sanctions imposed on the Palestinian people by the European Union and the US in particular. To that end, Haniya sent messages in all directions, implicating that his government has in fact accepted most of the Quartet's conditions to resume direct budgetary aid to the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Most important of all, he pledged to work towards the establishment of an independent Palestinian state along the 1967 borders, in effect a tacit recognition of Israel's right to exist and a dramatic departure from Hamas's original position on the two-state solution.
Power struggle
After a year of power struggle with the Fatah movement and Abu Mazen, chairman of the PNA, Hamas has finally opted to play usual Islamic politics. Like most other moderate Islamic groups, Hamas is primarily interested in Islamising the society and in building up its power base among the populace. Hence, it preferred the service ministries in the new unity government, such as health, education and welfare, and left Abu Mazen to handle contacts with Israel, including negotiations, and the management of foreign relations.
Hamas would, in fact, perform much better if it spends its time and efforts on reforming the institutions of the PNA, fight corruption and provide social services to Palestinians exhausted by a year-long boycott. This should be Hamas's first order of business after the formation of the unity government.
There are already positive signs - despite the US and Israeli negative attitude towards the Hamas-led government - that Europe and the rest of the world are becoming increasingly willing to talk and establish contacts with the new government. If they do not, however, especially after securing such concessions from the Islamic movement, there is the possibility that this attitude would contribute to the emergence of more radical groups disenchanted by western promises and fully committed to a more radical agenda. Should this happen, Hamas should not be held responsible.
Dr Marwan Al Kabalan is a lecturer in media and international relations, Faculty of Political Science and Media, Damascus University, Syria.
